Russia’s mysterious blimps sow fear and confusion on Nato border

When the white blimp began to circle the skies near the Russian border, Estonian police weren’t quite sure what to make of it.

The strange, Zeppelin-like aircraft had been spotted on the Russian side of the frontier near Narva, a Russian-speaking Estonian town on the far edges of Nato territory.

After some debate, Estonian police chose to ignore the blimp and hoped that would be the end of the matter. But the next day, it came back – this time marked with a “Z”, the symbol of Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.

“We are seeing things like this nearly every week,” Egert Belitšev, the director-general of the Estonian police, said during a tour of Narva’s border checkpoint, the day before Sir Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, arrived in the country for a security summit with Baltic and Nordic leaders.

Tensions on this 200-mile frontier, which spans open fields, frozen lakes, dense forests and barren swamps, have soared in recent months according to border guards.

Police say they have seen a major increase in border security incidents, such as staged anti-West protests, attempted smuggling of weapons parts, GPS spoofing, attempts to push waves of migrants across the Estonian border and sinister aircraft stunts such as the one near Narva.

Referring to that blimp incident in June, Mr Belitšev joked that “it’s good to see that Russia is using modern technology”. But he added, rather grimly: “It was intentionally made visible to everyone, to say: ‘We are watching you.’”

The Baltic nation of Estonia, which joined Nato and the EU in 2004, still bears the scars of two Soviet occupations; today, it is one of Russia’s most vocal opponents in Europe.

In response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Tallinn spent more GDP per capita on military aid for Ukraine than any other country, and it passionately supports Kyiv’s dream of joining Nato.

That support, and Estonian’s decision to impose restrictions at the Narva crossing point used by Russian speakers, has angered Putin, who in 2022 suggested he would like to see Narva returned to Moscow’s control.

“Two years ago we had 18 border incidents and this year we had 96,” said Mr Belitšev, who sports a blue-and-yellow Ukrainian flag with the slogan “Glory to Ukraine” on his uniform epaulettes. “We have seen constant attempts to destabilise the situation.”

In one of the more serious incidents in May, Russian border guards removed 20 buoys from the Narva river in the middle of the night in an apparent attempt to redraw the edges of Russia’s territory.

“They did it at 3am – this is not something you do if it is a proper or normal thing,” Mr Belitšev said.

Moscow is also trying to push irregular migrants across the Estonian border, as well as that of Finland across the Baltic Sea.

Police say there have even been cases of Russians trying to smuggle drone parts across the Estonia border to support Putin’s war.

“We’ve seen increased flight routes from Russia to migration countries – lots of flights from Iraq,” Mr Belitšev said. “And we see a rise in disinformation campaigns [against Estonia] as well as the rise in border incidents.”

Standing on the Narva bridge checkpoint, the Estonian side of the crossing is secured with concrete anti-tank barriers known as “dragon’s teeth”, which have been mocked by Russian social media users but hardly seem an overreaction in light of events in Ukraine.

Travel between the two countries is heavily restricted, with Estonia strongly advising against all travel to Russia via the Narva crossing.

Russians can use the crossing to enter Estonia, but only if they meet certain strict criteria, such as visiting close relatives.

Huddled up in winter coats, Russians and Estonians walk briskly with their heads down in the driving snow as they cross from one side to the other.

Most appeared to be Christmas holidaymakers carrying presents in shopping bags and refused to speak to journalists.

One local claimed the Estonians had kept him waiting at the checkpoint for 12 hours, while another said they had waited eight hours.

Mr Belitšev has little sympathy for them. “Travelling to an aggressor country should not be the most comfortable thing,” he said at the snow-covered checkpoint, where the temperature is well below zero.

Narva itself, a town of some 53,000 residents, has also become a flashpoint in the wider tensions between pro-Western Estonians and Moscow supporters.

At least 96 per cent of the town speaks Russian and many of its residents support Putin – or are at least sympathetic towards his views.

Just across the Narva river, on the Russian side of the border, stands the staunchly patriotic town of Ivangorod.

Despite being so close to Nato’s external border, it is a world apart in terms of its values.

Earlier this year, there was a standoff between the two towns, as Russians in Ivangorod celebrated Victory Day on May 9, which marks the Soviet defeat of Nazism.

The Russians in Ivangorod set up loudspeakers and TV screens facing across the river towards Estonia, blaring out Putin speeches and anti-Ukraine propaganda.

In Narva, Maria Smorževskihh-Smirnova, the director of the town’s museum, felt that this could not go unanswered: she unfurled a banner on the museum’s walls branding Putin a war criminal.

It led to a surreal scene in which Narva’s medieval fortress museum, decked out in Ukrainian colours and a “Putin war criminal” poster, faced off across the river at pro-war demonstrations around its twin fortress in Ivangorod.

Ms Smorževskihh-Smirnova’s goal, she said, was to try to expose the truth to Russian war supporters in Ivangorod and her Putin-friendly neighbours in Narva.

“They believe myths… that Russia never initiated a war, that Russia has fought and continues to fight fascism in Ukraine, that Russia has never committed war crimes and stands for peace,” she said.

But pro-Russian politicians in Narva reacted with outrage and she is now facing calls to be removed as director of the museum over the stunt.

Ms Smorževskihh-Smirnova herself was subjected to a vicious campaign of abuse, including death threats on social media and obscene, photoshopped images being sent to her son.

Even so, she hopes to hang the poster again during next year’s Victory Day celebrations in Russia: “This conflict hasn’t gone away, and it’s a conflict of values,” she said.

‘We are still concerned’

Back in Tallinn, the Estonian capital, Nordic and Baltic leaders gathered this week for the annual summit of the Joint Expeditionary Force, a UK-led rapid response force that complements Nato troops in the region.

Speaking before the summit, Erkki Tori, a senior Estonian government adviser, said there were no signs that Russian aggression against Ukraine and wider Europe would slow down in 2025.

“Russia will remain a threat for a very significant time, we don’t see any changes in the mindset of the Russian regime,” Mr Tori said.

“Russia’s understanding is that we will become more tired and they can outlast us in this war of aggression. Russia sees itself as being at war with Nato and therefore the ends justify the means.”

At a Christmas market in Tallinn’s Old Town, Estonians were clinking beer mugs and sipping hot wine – but even here, amid the fairy lights and tinsel trees, Russia was not far from their minds.

“We are all on edge,” said Fee, a 24-year-old photographer and wine seller. “We do feel supported by Nato, but we are still concerned.”

“We are constantly thinking about it, our prime minister has said if Ukraine wins we are safe and if not we are in deep trouble,” Anette, 25, a lawyer, said. “That’s a creepy thought.”